The EU Commission solicited a report on right-wing extremist’s humour. The writers in charge were Maik Fielitz and Reem Ahmed of the Radicalisation Awareness Network RAN. It isn’t quite clear how they define right-wing extremists, but their enumerations don’t contain Islamists who, as the left is convinced, are ‘conservatives’ that, left to their own devices, would degrade any beautiful desert to a stinking free-market economy. We are no longer looking at ‘backward-looking, stiff and formal’ neo-Nazis, they say. But if it isn’t about all these top-hat, tailcoat skinheads with baseball bats that are abundant in Europe, apparently, who are we looking at? Pepe, of course!
And we look at Saul Alinsky, a ‘civil rights activist,’ who wrote the ‘renowned’ book ‘Rules for Radicals.’ ‘Rules for Radicals’ proposes that humour can be used as a weapon. And while sneering does the trick for the left right now, Alinsky’s idea was supposedly ripped from his innocent and harmless communist intentions and misappropriated to sinister internet memes.
In my second episode of my series on Kübra Gümüşay, the activist who does not want to be your cleaner, I discuss the delusions and aspirations that set social justice warriors on a wrong path in life and the inability of a turn-around. Kübra Gümüşay does not remain a victim forever, though. She rather becomes a spearhead for the forces that misled her in the first place. Her weepy antagonisation could stir the manly, protective sentiments, particularly those of male Muslims, and risk to conjure conflicts in the long run.
People who are most outspoken about “equality” are hardly ever for equality before the law. Instead of upholding the rules Lorenz Haase chooses targets and looks for weaponizable laws later. “Acceptance of a crime”, “incitement to hatred”, “lack of respect for the dead” … some section of the law will hit the Pegida protesters that talked to TV show Kontraste. Guilty they are.
In 2014, the campaign Munich is Colourful (German: München ist bunt) was founded to “help” restaurants avoiding “right-wing extremist” guests.
The definition of these extremists was vague from the very beginning. The line could run somewhere between conservative party AfD, fringe anti-immigration party NPD, neo-nazi groups, student fraternities or some other member of the wider populace. It is also perfectly unclear how people accused of “right-wing extremism” can legally defend themselves against such a characterisation.
In early 2016 a small group of Pegida participants started visiting Italian restaurant Casa Mia on a regular basis. Soon Ernst Dill of left-wing party SPD, one of three official embassadors against right-wing extremism in Munich, demanded that Casa Mia declined service to the guests. He went even as far as to give legal advice to Giovanni Costa, the owner of the pub.
To turn on the pressure on Casa Mia, Mr Dill organised letters demanding action, one by the Society of Hotels and Restaurants in Bavaria (German: Bayerischen Hotel- und Gaststättenverband) and one by the Mayor of Munich, Dieter Reiter, also of party SPD.
Still Giovanni Costa did not give in. The guests didn’t disturb anybody, so Costa, and behaved friendly. Dill denounced Costa publicly for cooperating not with the City but with Pegida.
Soon left-wing groups cried for boycotts. His revenues fell by 25%, graffiti was smeared against the outer walls. When Pegida called for a solidarity march for Casa Mia, Ernst Dell and the Counsil of Borough Sendling wrote an open letter, which says, ‘We don’t want brown beer in Sendling’. In German the colour brown can symbolise Nazism, alluding to the SA brown shirts.
Lastly, even the beer provider who had a long-term contract with Casa Mia, pulled out of the cooperation with the restaurant. Casa Mia went bankrupt. In a final letter, pinned on the door, Giovanni Costa “thanked” the Council of Borough Sendling and ‘those brave people who under the protection of the night smeared our walls’.
Needless to say that an office such as Ernst Dill’s, which is to ‘fight whatever extremism’, is unconstitutional as it breaches the term of neutrality of a public official. More dangerous for a democracy, however, is that the police is often asked to step down in left-wing controlled areas and the authorities allow their thugs to get away with everything. The Berkeley riots were a prominent US example of the phenomenon. Those who left vile graffiti on the wall of the restaurant had as little to fear as the SA during the Weimar republic.
More and more groups pop up to dissuade restaurants to serve people on the political right. One group, called ‘[City of] Fulda Objects’ (German: Fulda stellt sich quer) was awarded a price for such dubious activities by Harvard alumni and leading SPD member Ralf Stegner. ‘Fulda Objects’ explicitly targets hosts who serve members of conservative party AfD. Their leader is a member of fringe communist party DKP.
Since the end of the East German dictatorship dissidents in many dubious regimes hardly face direct legal prosecution. The tactics shift to messing up people’s lives and seek to hurt them where they are psychologically most vulnerable. Unfortunately, only German has a word for it: Zersetzung.
Merkel’s legacy. “Muslim Brotherhood Makes Inroads into Saxony,” translated by Mike K. from “Muslimbrüder in Sachsen auf dem Vormarsch,” Preussische Allgemeine Zeitung, March 2, 2017: Back in October 2014, when the first PEGIDA demonstrators took to the streets to warn of the looming Islamisation of their homeland, there were practically no Muslims to be found in […]